Oct 16, 2024

The Tyranny of the Majority Myth: How Elites Tricked Us Into Fearing Democracy

Heard that old saying "democracy is the tyranny of the majority? It was propaganda invented by elites.
By Tim Hjersted / filmsforaction.org
The Tyranny of the Majority Myth: How Elites Tricked Us Into Fearing Democracy

The phrase "democracy is the tyranny of the majority" is an idea deeply embedded in the ideological framework of the elites, designed to justify the limitations they place on popular rule. It’s often presented as a legitimate concern, warning that if too much power is given to the people, they will impose their will on minorities. But the reality is far more sinister: this concept has been used to propagate fear of democracy itself, undermining efforts to establish true political and economic equality. When elites speak of "the tyranny of the majority," what they are really doing is defending their own interests—the tyranny of the minority, which holds most of the wealth and power in society to this day.

Historically, this fear of popular governance was articulated by key figures in American political thought, such as James Madison. In the Federalist Papers, particularly Federalist No. 10, Madison warned of the dangers of factionalism, emphasizing the need to guard against the majority’s potential to redistribute wealth and disrupt the property interests of the elite. Madison was explicit: the role of government was "to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority." This isn't an abstract argument about protecting fundamental rights; it’s a direct declaration that democracy must be curtailed to safeguard the privileged position of the wealthy few.

This theme has continued throughout American history, often disguised as concern for "freedom" or "stability." In reality, the elites—whether political, economic, or intellectual—have consistently worked to limit the scope of democratic engagement. Walter Lippmann, a highly influential intellectual and policy advisor in the early 20th century, argued that the "bewildered herd"—the general population—was incapable of managing its own affairs. Lippmann believed that governance should be left to a specialized class of "responsible men," an idea which found its institutional expression in the rise of technocratic governance and the management of public opinion. These arguments against the dangers of majoritarianism are, in fact, arguments against any real form of popular control.

Concrete evidence of how this notion has been weaponized is visible in the structures of modern Western democracies, where economic policies that serve the wealthy are often insulated from public influence. Take the case of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United v. FEC (2010), which allowed corporations to spend unlimited money on elections under the guise of free speech. This decision solidified corporate power over the political process, enabling a tiny elite to exert outsized influence on elections and policy decisions. This is not democracy—it is oligarchy, disguised by the rhetoric of protecting individual rights from the so-called tyranny of the majority.

The irony, of course, is that the true tyranny at play is the tyranny of the minority. In the United States, policies with broad public support, such as universal healthcare, higher minimum wages, and action on climate change, are consistently blocked or diluted by corporate interests and wealthy donors. Studies like the 2014 report by political scientists Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page show that the preferences of the economic elite have a far greater impact on policy outcomes than those of average citizens. The "tyranny of the majority" never seems to materialize because the structures of governance are so thoroughly rigged to protect elite interests.

In sum, the claim that democracy leads to the tyranny of the majority is not a legitimate critique of democratic principles but rather a propaganda tool used by elites to delegitimize the expansion of popular sovereignty. It is designed to keep political and economic power in the hands of the few, to ensure that the vast inequalities of wealth and influence are maintained under the guise of protecting "liberty." What is needed is not less democracy, but more—democracy that breaks through the barriers the elites have erected, that truly represents the will of the people, and that challenges the entrenched power of the wealthy minority.

 

So where do we go from here?

If we are to move toward a truly democratic society, we must begin by addressing the fundamental structures of power, both in the political realm and in the economic institutions that dominate our lives. As it stands, our political systems are structured to limit popular participation, and our economic systems, dominated by hierarchical corporations, are essentially private tyrannies. These corporate structures have more in common with feudalism than with democracy. If we are serious about democracy, we need to look at alternatives that expand participation and accountability at every level of society—both in the workplace and in political governance.

One promising model is the concept of workers' self-directed enterprises (WSDEs). In a WSDE, workers collectively own and manage the enterprise, making decisions democratically rather than being subject to the dictates of a small managerial elite or absentee shareholders. This model not only democratizes the workplace, but it also aligns economic decisions with the interests of the people who are directly affected by them—those who do the work. By dismantling the traditional hierarchies that characterize corporate governance, we can ensure that economic power is distributed more equitably, giving workers control over their livelihoods and ending the exploitation inherent in the capitalist model. WSDEs provide a structure in which workers have a real stake in their enterprise, fostering cooperation and solidarity rather than alienation and competition.

In the political sphere, one avenue for enhancing democratic participation is the concept of liquid democracy, a hybrid form of direct and representative democracy. In a liquid democracy, citizens can either vote directly on issues or delegate their vote to a representative of their choice. This system allows for greater flexibility and engagement in governance. It enables people to participate directly when they are well-informed on an issue or to trust their vote to someone with expertise on particular subjects when they are not. Delegates can be chosen and recalled at any time, making them more accountable to the public than the representatives in traditional electoral systems. Liquid democracy also helps overcome the problem of scale in large, complex societies, allowing for broader participation without sacrificing the efficiency of decision-making.

But these solutions alone are not enough. They must be coupled with a serious effort to dismantle the concentrated power of corporations and the financial elite who shape policy behind the scenes. In the U.S. and much of the West, corporate lobbies, wealthy donors, and financial institutions have captured the political process, turning democracy into little more than a façade. We need to establish stringent limits on campaign financing, implement public funding of elections, and break the revolving door between corporate executives and government regulators. Only by removing the influence of money from politics can we create the conditions for genuine democratic governance.

Moreover, education is a critical part of this process. If people are to participate meaningfully in economic and political decision-making, they need to be informed and empowered. The current system, however, is designed to produce passive consumers, not active citizens. From early education onward, we should focus on critical thinking, civic engagement, and cooperative problem-solving. Only an informed and engaged populace can hold power to account, whether in the workplace or in politics.

In essence, the solution to our democratic deficit lies in expanding democracy itself—not just at the ballot box, but in the institutions that affect our daily lives. By democratizing the workplace through WSDEs and enhancing political participation through models like liquid democracy, we can move toward a society where power is truly vested in the people. But this will require a sustained, grassroots effort to confront and dismantle the structures of concentrated wealth and power that dominate our current system.

Let's get to work.

 

Tim Hjersted is the director and co-founder of Films For Action, an online library for people who want to change the world. He lives in Lawrence, KS.

Activism   Big Ideas   Corporations   Economics   Politics   Solutions
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