Jan 17, 2026

Dispatches From the Uprising in Iran

By Leftcom / leftcom.org

The spark of the recent protests in Iran emerged from Tehran’s bazaar. The removal of the preferential exchange rate by the government of President Mahmoud Pezeshkian—which triggered a sudden surge in currency prices—appears to have cut off or seriously threatened the rent-based incomes of sections of the currency mafia and oligarchic layers. This was likely the principal driving force behind the mobilization of bazaar merchants. At the same time, this development ignited broader mass protests, unleashing a new wave of street confrontations that has continued to expand, once again bringing long-standing grievances among the impoverished layers of society to the surface. Hundreds have already been killed or injured by the security forces and the government has enacted an internet blackout.

From the standpoint of class struggle and political radicalism, however, this movement appears weaker than the major uprisings of the past decade. At the time of writing, its defining characteristics can be summarized as follows:

The slogans raised in these demonstrations have been predominantly reactionary and far less class-oriented in character.
The degree of infiltration by mercenary elements tied to monarchist currents and reactionary political forces linked to foreign powers—while present in previous uprisings—has been significantly greater in the current protests.
During the first week, the bulk of the protests spread across provinces and smaller cities in the western regions of the country. In the aftermath of the Twelve-Day War, these areas appear to have been more exposed to conditions favourable to foreign intervention.
The movement has largely adopted passive or ambiguous positions toward foreign intervention, whose immediate objective is not liberation but the reintegration of Iran into negotiations suspended after the Twelve-Day War.
As in previous movements, the most glaring absence remains an internationalist orientation in the protests.

Below we present three statements from Iranian workers’ organisations. The first statement, from a workers’ group with which we are newly acquainted, demonstrates both a clearer class orientation and a higher level of political clarity. Regrettably, the last two display a noticeably diminished class character compared to their earlier positions, examples of which we have previously published.

In 1978, in our critique of the slogans of the Iranian Revolution, we posed the alternative: “Death to the Shah—or death to capitalism.” At the time, this position was drowned out by the deafening chorus of the pro-capitalist left, from Maoists to Stalinists and Trotskyists ….. We never imagined that decades later we would encounter the same alternative in a new form: “Death to Khamenei—or death to capitalism.” Yet today, after more than forty years of continuous struggle and countless sacrifices under the harshest conditions, Iranian workers have bravely once again raised an independent class banner—still fragile, but unmistakably present.

Let those who say: “We have no apparatus to replace the old one, which inevitably gravitates towards the defence of the bourgeoisie,” be ashamed of themselves. For this apparatus exists. It is the Soviets.
Lenin, One of the Fundamental Questions of the Revolution, 1917

Statement of the Kurdistan and Azerbaijan Worker Activists

A thought-out move towards the revolutionary horizon, confronting Zionist regime-change projects and imperialist aggression in defence of the working class and the socialist future

We stand at a historical juncture in which the structural contradictions of Iranian capitalism—intertwined with the global crisis of capital—have reached a breaking point. The Islamic Republic, as a capitalist state, was forged within a historical rupture with US imperialism. Yet this rupture does not signify liberation; rather, it reflects the contradictory position of capitalism within the US-led imperialist world order. Grasping the nature of this rupture, along with its internal and external transformations, is essential to any genuinely emancipatory political analysis.

The structural rift of the Islamic Republic of Iran with American imperialism has gone through four historical stages:

The reformist transformation (1997–2005): an attempt to return the Islamic Republic to the orbit of imperialism through liberal democracy and civil society.
Green Velvet Revolution (2009): a soft overthrow project centred on the urban middle class and Western media.
The headless riots of 2017 and 2019: an outburst of anger by the working classes, without class organisation, and with the opposition seeking to appropriate it.
The formation of the final phase of subversionism: a complete link between the project of subversion and aggression, Zionism, and liberal fantasies, with the aim of structural collapse of Iran and regional realignment.

We declare unequivocally:

Today’s subversionism is not a project for liberation, but the domestic arm of American imperialism and global Zionism. Relying on the warmongering media, rootless celebrity, and fantasies of liberal democracy, this project attempts to appropriate the legitimate protests of the subordinate masses and turn them into infantry attacks.

In the face of this project, the Islamic Republic is also reproducing capitalist relations with all its might. From the expropriation of the slogan of “justice” in 1979, to the privatisations of the 1990s, from Ahmadinejad’s subsidy-oriented policies to Raisi’s “productivity” campaigns, and from the repression of the workers’ council to the imposition of sanctions on the shoulders of the working class, the Islamic Republic has shown that it is not only not an alternative to imperialism, but is itself a form of capital.

In the meantime, the Iranian working class, despite its repression, dispersion, and disorganisation, has once again come to the fore. The strikes of contract workers in South Pars, the protests of mining, sugar cane, railroad, education, and healthcare workers, are all signs of the working class’s return to the political scene. These strikes are not merely union-related, but also political possibilities. Possibilities for breaking away from both poles of reaction.

We believe the present moment is a moment of clear demarcation:

a clear line of demarcation against Zionism, monarchism, and imperialist regime-change projects
a clear line of demarcation against the Islamic Republic, as a repressive capitalist state
a clear line of demarcation against the illusions of liberal democracy and reformism
a clear line of demarcation against rootless, horizonless uprisings

At the same time, it is a moment of connection:

connecting fragmented working-class struggles to an organised class horizon
connecting livelihood-based protests to political consciousness
connecting rage to organisation, and organisation to the party

We call on students, intellectuals, and the lower classes to get out of the dual game of the “axis of resistance” and “imperialism.” Neither of these two represent liberation. Liberation is possible only from the heart of the organisation of the working class, and from the heart of the socialist horizon.

We defend the legitimate protests of the oppressed masses, but we emphasize:

Political demarcation from Zionism, monarchy, and military aggression is more essential to the working class than bread itself.

As labour activists in Kurdistan, we believe that only by returning to revolutionary socialism, through party organisation, and by standing firmly at the site of the conflict between labour and capital, can we turn these moments of crisis into a new horizon for the working-class revolution.

Long live the workers’ strikes!
No to Zionism, no to monarchy, no to imperialism.
Yes to class organisation, yes to the working-class revolution.

Worker activists of Sanandaj, Baneh, Marivan, Saqqez,
Bukan, Oshnavieh, Piranshahr, Mahabad
January 2026

Joint Statement of Independent Organisations in Support of the Legitimate Protests of the Masses

The renewed explosion of anger and protests by various sectors of the people in many cities reflects the unimaginable and intolerable inequalities, widespread disorder, and the extremely critical conditions of the masses’ lives. As the Islamic Republic ages, the people—especially workers, teachers, toilers in cities and villages, women, youth, and oppressed nationalities—realise more and more that under this regime they will never see peace, comfort, or social welfare, and no bright future is conceivable for them.

Absolute poverty, soaring inflation, and runaway prices all stem from the crisis-ridden structure of capitalism, and the Islamic Republic neither intends nor is able to mitigate economic, political, or social crises. On one hand, the survival of this system depends on the foundation of capitalist exploitation and oppression; on the other hand, the policies of those in power and the actions of the regime are major factors that intensify and expand these crises. Moreover, any attempt at positive change in society threatens the very foundation of the regime and exposes it to serious risk. For this reason, the Islamic Republic violently opposes every economic, political, or social demand of workers and the oppressed masses, responding to even the most basic demands with repression and slaughter.

Repression may temporarily satisfy dictators with the hope of silencing every voice of freedom, but this hope is false. The voices of the masses will not be silenced, and class struggle will continue! As we have seen, even in the darkest years of repression, the regime has never been able to impose silence or submission upon society. We witnessed this in the protest movements of 2017, 2019, and 2021, and in the revolutionary “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement of 2022. Today, we see it again in the recent protests, which have turned many Iranian cities into arenas of street struggle, with courageous and revolutionary youth confronting bullets and guns, risking life and death. Final victory depends on solidarity and cohesion in struggle, the strengthening of the ranks of fighters, progressive and freedom-loving forces, and the mutual support of workers and the oppressed.

Supporting these struggles is the duty of every oppressed person and every freedom-loving and justice-seeking individual. The signatories of this statement, along with independent and active labour and retirees’ organisations, support the struggles of the masses and consider themselves soldiers in the great army of workers and the oppressed.

However, the lesson taught to revolutionary forces by all successful movements must be learned and applied to our own struggles:

Without a correct and scientific understanding of society and its dynamics, without knowing our friends and enemies, without a strategy and approach grounded in that understanding, and without organised, conscious, and advanced workers and intellectuals fighting based on this knowledge, no revolutionary movement can succeed.

Let us unite, organise, and take control of our own destiny.

Haft Tappeh Sugarcane Workers’ Union
Coordination Committee to Help Establish Independent Labour Organisations
Khuzestan Retired Workers
Retirees' Union Group
3 January 2026

Joint Statement of Workers’ Organisations, Pensioners, and Social Organisations in Solidarity with Popular Uprisings

We stand at one of the most decisive moments in our contemporary history. What is happening today in the streets, in nationwide strikes and protests, is the continuation of the 1401 [2022 using the Western calendar] uprising; an uprising that began with the slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom" and lifted the curtain on institutionalised discrimination, systematic humiliation, naked oppression, and structural poverty. This uprising revealed that society is no longer willing to continue its imposed life under the burden of this unjust order.

The veiled bastion was conquered and we declared that we will not tolerate sexual and gender apartheid. We declared that we hate superstition and will not trade human dignity. When we were answered with bullets, prisons, and executions, we stood up and declared with a cry of unity against poverty and corruption that we will not rest until the victory of our unfinished revolution.

Today, in loyalty to this covenant and pact, we have come to the streets and shout: freedom, freedom, freedom.

Today, we have come to the streets not just for bread, but for life; not just for survival, but for human dignity and respect, and for a humane future.

Unbridled inflation has broken the backs of the majority of people. Wages and salaries that are below the poverty line and the livelihood basket, predatory privatisations, rent-seeking, the existence of numerous mafias, repression, imprisonment and execution, and war-mongering policies have brought people's lives to the brink of collapse. Society has reached a boiling point, and nationwide protests are a direct reflection of this critical situation.

The marketers, as a thermometer of this collapsed economy, have come to the streets with their strike.

Today's protest is a protest against a parasitic class of billionaires who have ruined people's lives. The issue is not simply the astronomical price of the dollar or inflation. The problem is the entire structure that tramples on our human dignity every day. This is the situation that has brought everyone from Generation Z to the retiree who cries out every day that livelihood, dignity, and inalienable rights are ours, to the streets.

Today, we, workers, teachers, nurses, retirees, students, women, and all suffering people, are taking to the streets in city after city, shouting for freedom and equality.

How long will poverty last? How long will slavery last? How long will we be captives in the clutches of contractors and the water, electricity, and sanitation mafias that, in conjunction with the power gangs, are getting fatter every day while people's lives are getting more ruined every day?

How long will prisons, executions, the hijab order, and repression patrols last?

We are not at war with the people of the world, nor do we need nuclear enrichment and proxy forces. These are the policies that have broken the backs of the people.

We, the organisations and signatories of this statement, consider ourselves an inseparable part of this nationwide uprising and, in unison with the slogan of "Woman, Life, Freedom", we declare our full support and solidarity with the ongoing struggles of the people for freedom, prosperity, justice and human dignity, and we emphasise the following points:

We stand together and united against the government's repression and killings, with the families of the victims demanding justice. Protest is our right. We strive with all our might to release all those detained in popular protests and all political prisoners, and we demand an "Iran without executions."

In support of the nationwide strikes, we, together with our families, will gather in city centers and make the line of street protests as strong as possible.
In the face of attempts to divide, we unite our ranks with slogans of unity, unity, against poverty and corruption, and death to the dictator, and we shout in unison with the people of Zahedan: now is the time for unity, now is the time for revolution.
The seven hundred thousand toman subsidy is not the answer to the poverty imposed with wages several times below the subsistence level. Do not talk about empty coffers. The astronomical budgets of the repressive forces, proxy forces, and ineffective religious institutions must be cut. The billion-dollar fortunes of the ayatollahs, aghazadehs [children of the elite], and government gangs must be returned to the people to be spent on people's lives, reducing the cost of bread and gasoline, and...
We do not need any leadership and once again emphasise that our desire is to end a century of exploitation and tyranny and build a society in which a predatory minority does not decide the fate of the people from above.
The resolute continuation of the protests, the expansion of strikes, vigilance and unity are the guarantee of our progress and the realisation of our suppressed aspirations. We will continue the path we have chosen with strength and with our unity and solidarity we will end this slavery, poverty, humiliation and inequality.

Pensioners' Union
Kermanshah Electricity and Metal Association
Do not execute
Dadkhahan
Council for Organising Protests of Contractual Oil Workers
Council for Organising Protests of Informal Oil Workers (Third Party)
Council for Coordination of Nurses' Protests
Voice of Iranian Women
3 January 2026